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Shahid Khaqan Abbasi opens up on turning down Nawaz and Benazir, early privatization, and 1999 coup

Former prime minister reflects on political journey in conversation with Kamran Khan

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In a podcast conversation with Kamran Khan, Pakistan's former Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi recounted pivotal episodes from his early political career, including turning down Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, his role in the country’s first privatization, and what he witnessed in the lead-up to the 1999 military coup.

Abbasi said Nawaz Sharif once called him to Lahore and presented him with a document to formally join the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N).

“I had won [my seat], and he called me to Lahore. He gave me a paper and said, ‘Join the PML formally.’ I told him, ‘I will not sign this.’ I said, ‘My vote is yours, but I won’t sign.’”

He said Nawaz Sharif asked him why. “I told him, ‘These days, people are saying in the market that people are paid to join the party. I don’t want to be part of that. My vote is yours.’”

Chaudhry Nisar, who was also present, reminded Abbasi that the Sharifs and Abbasees were family friends, but Abbasi still declined.

He said a similar offer came from Benazir Bhutto through his family’s close friend, late Gen. Naseerullah Babar. “He told me Benazir wants to meet you. I went to see her; she was sitting there… she told me, ‘Join our party and you’ll be given a ministry.’”

Abbasi said he explained to Benazir that his constituency was anti-PPP. “I told her, ‘People in my constituency don’t accept your party. It will be difficult for me to win an election.’”

He said Benazir was visibly displeased. “Benazir never forgave me after that. Even when we would meet in the Assembly, she never responded to my greetings.”

However, he said Nusrat Bhutto continued to greet him warmly in Parliament. “Begum Nusrat Bhutto always greeted me. She would say, ‘Brother, how are you? How’s Gohar? How’s the family?’ Benazir never did.”

Role in MCB privatization

Abbasi recalled being part of the three-member committee that managed the privatization of Muslim Commercial Bank.

“A three-member committee was formed. I developed the entire framework and privatization plan. We selected MCB and set the share price at Rs29 .”

He said then-finance minister Sartaj Aziz and Nawaz Sharif discussed the price. “Sartaj sahab said it [share price] should be PKR 40. Nawaz Sharif said, ‘No, make it PKR 35. It’s the first case.’”

Abbasi said Mian Mansha’s group acquired the bank after the top bidder was disqualified for being a defaulter.

“The highest bid came from a defaulter of MCB. Mansha’s group was asked to match the bid. They matched it.”

He credited Nawaz Sharif for resisting pressure from within the bureaucracy. “The Pakistan Banking Council opposed it. The State Bank opposed it. But Nawaz Sharif followed through. That is to his credit.”

Declined role in accountability

Abbasi said Nawaz Sharif once offered him the lead role in a new accountability initiative. “He called me and said, ‘You lead accountability. You and SSP Zulfiqar Cheema should run accountability.’”

He turned it down.

“I told him, ‘I can’t do this work. If two PPP people are caught, then two of ours will be caught. This can’t work fairly.’”

Zulfiqar Cheema tried to persuade him again in the PM House parking lot, but Abbasi refused. “I told him too, ‘I can’t do this.’ Later, this job was given to Saif-ur-Rehman.”

1993 crisis and Clinton pressure

Discussing the 1993 confrontation between Nawaz Sharif and Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Abbasi said he advised reconciliation.

“I said, ‘You should go to him. Tell him, you’re the president, I’m the prime minister, let’s work together.’ Mian sahab agreed, but others opposed it.”

Three months later, both offices were vacated.

On the 1998 nuclear tests, Abbasi said Nawaz Sharif made the decision alone. “Nawaz Sharif made the decision. After Clinton called, there was a cabinet meeting. He told us, ‘I’ve already made the decision.’”

He said Majid Nizami’s words were pivotal. “Majid Nizami said, ‘If you don’t test, people will throw shoes at you.’”

Vajpayee’s visit

Abbasi recalled Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s visit in February 1999.

“Vajpayee came to Lahore. I was there. He hugged the prime minister and said, ‘We are starting a new chapter.’”

Abbasi described the visit as hopeful. “He gave a speech at Minar-e-Pakistan. It was the first time an Indian PM spoke such words. Vajpayee said, ‘We accept the reality of Pakistan.’”

But weeks later, Kargil changed everything.

“Then Kargil happened. The army started the operation—without informing [the government]. When Vajpayee found out, it was something he could never forgive.”

Abbasi said Nawaz Sharif was not informed.

“That matter was never clarified. Nawaz Sharif was not fully informed.”

Abbasi said the July 4, 1999, meeting with President Clinton happened due to Nawaz Sharif’s personal rapport.

“Clinton doesn’t meet anyone on July 4. But he met Nawaz Sharif. That was because of Nawaz Sharif’s personal relationship.”

Later that year, Abbasi warned Nawaz Sharif against promoting Pervez Musharraf to Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.

“Someone told me that if Musharraf is made CJCSC, the army won’t accept it. I told Nawaz Sharif this in Murree. He said, ‘The decision has already been made.’”

A few days later, Musharraf received both posts.

October 12 coup and PIA flight

On the day of the coup, Abbasi was PIA chairman. He said he was at the airport when Musharraf’s plane was en route to Karachi.

“I heard the PM had said the plane shouldn’t be allowed to land. Some people told me it should land elsewhere. But there wasn’t enough fuel. If it had happened half an hour earlier, maybe it could have.”

He said he called Nawaz Sharif’s military secretary. “I told him, ‘This won’t work. The plane must land.’ He said, ‘I’ll check with the PM and get back to you.’”

The army took control of the airport shortly after. “I packed my bag. I knew I’d be arrested. Then I was arrested. We were kept at Karachi University.”

Abbasi said he wrote a letter taking responsibility for the diversion order. “I wrote and said the decision was mine. I said, ‘I’m the chairman; it was my decision.’”

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