Imran Khan’s sons step into politics — but are they symbols or real agents of change?
Analysts say Qasim and Sulaiman may energize PTI’s base and global lobbying, but not shift Pakistan’s power dynamics
Imran Kazmi
Senior Producer/Acting News Editor
Imran Kazmi is a seasoned digital journalist with nearly 15 years of experience in the media industry, including senior editorial roles at Pakistan’s leading news organisations.

Former Pakistan PM Imran Khan is seen with his sons Qasim and Sulieman in this illustration.
Nukta
PTI plans mass protests on August 5 to mark Khan’s arrest
Analysts doubt Khan's sons can shift Pakistan’s political balance
Their global ties may boost PTI’s lobbying, not local impactTwo years after former Prime Minister Imran Khan was jailed, his sons – who have never taken part in Pakistani politics – are now stepping into the spotlight for the first time, raising questions about whether they can influence the movement for their father’s release.
Qasim and Sulaiman Khan, the UK-raised sons of Khan and British filmmaker Jemima Goldsmith, have kept a low profile for much of their father's political rise — and fall. But as Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) gears up for another attempt at nationwide protests on August 5, marking the second anniversary of Khan’s arrest, the brothers appear poised to take on a more public role.
In recent weeks, they’ve voiced concern in interviews, hinted at joining protests, and, according to Khan’s family, plan to help spearhead lobbying efforts abroad for his release.
Their emergence raises a question many in Pakistan are now asking: can the sons of Imran Khan make a real difference — in the courts of international opinion or on the streets of Pakistan?
A father in solitary, a family in protest
Khan, 71, remains behind bars in Adiala Jail. His political party insists the corruption charges against him are fabricated, aimed at removing him from the political landscape ahead of last year’s elections.
On Monday, Khan’s sister Aleema stood outside the prison gates and confirmed what had been circulating for weeks — the sons were preparing to act.
“They are returning from the U.S. to join the protests,” she said. “They will expose the current regime.”
Their mother, Jemima Goldsmith, added to the momentum with a tweet that underscored the deeply personal nature of the family’s fight.
“My children are not allowed to speak on the phone to their father,” she wrote. “Pakistan’s government has now said if they go there to try to see him, they too will be arrested. This isn’t politics. It’s a personal vendetta.”
The sons’ arrival – and its ripple effect
This is not the first time Khan has called for mass mobilization. Previous campaigns, including a high-profile push last November, dubbed the “final call”, failed to deliver decisive results. But the involvement of his sons, insiders say, has shaken up PTI’s political dynamics — if not the country’s just yet.
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Political analyst Zaigham Khan believes their entry adds emotional weight to an otherwise faltering movement.
“In Pakistan, as in many developing countries, people feel a strong emotional attachment not just to a charismatic leader but also to their family,” he said. “Naturally, these are Imran Khan’s sons. That creates a powerful connection with party workers.”
But symbolism alone won’t be enough, he warned.
“To make any real difference, they’d need to live here and struggle. Benazir Bhutto did. Would they be willing to endure that? If not, their impact will remain limited to headlines and hashtags.”
There are also legal questions. If Qasim and Sulaiman are not Pakistani citizens, they could be deported. If they are, their presence on Pakistani soil could last longer and carry more political weight.
A party in transition
Inside PTI, their arrival is triggering both enthusiasm and anxiety.
Senior journalist Habib Akram said their influence – even if symbolic – is already being felt.
“Their names alone have mobilized the party base,” he told Nukta. “But it’s made some of the current leadership nervous. These are Khan’s sons. People naturally gather around them. That weakens others’ relevance.”
He explained that the upcoming August 5 protests aren’t designed around a single rally or march to the capital. Instead, simultaneous demonstrations are planned across cities. That decentralized model means leadership will be visible – or absent – in every region.
“If central leaders don’t show up, new ones will emerge,” Akram said. “We’re already seeing it – Sanam Javed in Lahore, Shahid Khattak in KP, Firdous Shamim Naqvi in Karachi. This isn’t just about Khan’s sons. It’s a test for PTI’s future leadership.”
Yet internationally, Qasim and Sulaiman could play a different role.
“They aren’t politicians,” Akram said. “They’re sons worried about their father. That message carries emotional weight – especially coming from the Goldsmith family, which has influence in British and American circles.”
A movement missing its coalition
Despite the renewed energy, analysts say a deeper structural problem remains.
“No political movement in Pakistan has ever succeeded without a broad coalition,” political scientist Dr. Rasool Bux Raees told Nukta. “The successful protests against Ayub Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto were national efforts. Labor unions, students, opposition parties – they all joined in.”
PTI, he said, has failed to build that kind of unity.
“We are a deeply divided society. Politics, identities, institutions — all fractured,” he said. “Khan has mass support, but PTI hasn’t mobilized the national constituencies needed for real change.”
Even so, Raees believes history may still look kindly on Khan.
“He stands on the right side of the Constitution, elections, and civilian supremacy,” he said. “But he’s not yet in a position to shift the direction of the country.”
As for the sons, Raees is skeptical about their long-term role within Pakistan.
“They’ll create waves – social and political – but the system is intolerant. I don’t see them moving freely inside the country,” he said. “Abroad, yes, they can get attention. And that puts the government on the defensive.”
Symbolism or substance?
In the end, the involvement of Qasim and Sulaiman may matter more for what it symbolizes than what it achieves. In a party shaken by arrests, bans, and broken leadership chains, their presence is a rare unifying force.
It may not free Imran Khan. It may not topple the government. But for a movement built around one man, the sight of his sons speaking his name, marching in his cause, and lobbying in his defense – could offer something even more valuable than political leverage: hope.
And in the murky, chaotic theatre of Pakistani politics, hope – like power – is never a small thing.
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